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50th September, 1980
COMPLAINT OF RUSSELL BUDHLALL
On the 18th September 1980 I complained to my Lawyer Tillman Thomas that I was beaten on my abdomen and I received punch, kick and they beat me with Gun butt. They had an instrument burning me with. They burn me all different parts of my body and then push it up through my bottom. They handcuff me from behind. My hand was behind my back and they handcuff it there and they pull the handcuffs tight then they held the handcuff and pull it and I get two cuts on both wrists from the handcuffs. I receive a kick on my face and I bleed through my nostrils. Some of the spots of blood can still be seen on the wall. That is all I told my Lawyer on the 16th September 1980. It was the first time I told him about it. These incidents took place on the 2nd July 1980 when you were arrested.
I complained to a Security Officer by the name of Chicken sometime around the 24th July 1980 and as a result, Doctor Purcell came and examined me a few day after. The Doctor gave me some treatment.
I also complained to a Security Officer named Francis around the same time I complained to Chicken. I also told Francis what they did me when I was arrested and asked him to get some magnesia for me. I did not get the magnesia.
The reason why I did not tell my Lawyer about these incidents before is because I did not get a good chance to do so. On the 16th September 1980, I was allowed an interview with my Lawyer, a private interview and it was then that I told him about it.
I think that the reason why the matter was brought up in court this morning, 150th September 1980, by my Lawyer for the first time is due to the fact that I told my Lawyer that I was having some problem with my abdomen which I feel was caused by the incidents of the 2nd July 1980 when I was arrested and asked my Lawyer to request the Magistrate to order that I be examined by a Doctor. That is the reason why I think the matter was raised in Court this morning.
When I was arrested on the 2nd July 1980 I was taken to a place that I don’t know. I don’t know the place because I was blindfolded. In that place I was questioned by some persons but I do not know who they were. They questioned me about the bombing in Queens Park. I told them that I don’t know about it. I started receiving punch, well say blows and burns. Then the blindfold came off from my eyes, it fell off and I manage to see about six to eight men around me. Two of them had something in their hand that they was burning me with. Justin was one of the men but I don’t know the name of the next one. While they was burning me the others was punching me and some was hitting me with gun butt. Then I receive kick and the feller that kick me name Bread, I don’t know he right name. I receive a kick on my nostril when I bleed. The same Bread is who kick me because he show me the boots a few days afterwards that he kick me with. After the blindfold fell off I was sitting on a chair and while they were burning me I fell on the floor lying on my back. They take off my underpants and what they had burning me with was pushed up through my bottom. Since that I am seeing some trouble to pass my stool.
Letter from Austin to Andropov 2/17/1982
TEL: 3383 3020
17th Feb 1982
Chairman of the Committee of State Security
Member of Politburo
FROM: General of the Army Hudson Austin
Warmest revolutionary greetings to you, the Communist Party of Soviet Union and all Soviet people, from the Political Bureau of the New Jewel Movement, Government, Armed Forces and all the Grenadian people.
Let me first of all extend our deepest sympathies to your Party and people on the passing away of comrade Suslov, a true Bolshevik and hero of revolutionary people worldwide.
[I write at this time to] request assistance in the strengthening of our Ministry of Interior. This request stems from discussions [held between] Cde. Vladgmir Klimentov, then attached to the Soviet Embassy in Jamaica, [illeg.] Comrade Maurice Bishop, Chairman of the Central Committee of our Party the New Jewel Movement, Prime Minister and Minister of Defence and Interior of the People’s Revolutionary Government, Comrade Liam James, Member of the Central Committee of our Party and Head of the Ministry of Interior [and myself. Peoples Revo. Govt. illeg. formally request the following] training courses for four (4) [of our] comrades: —
a) Basic course in Counter Intelligence for the period of one (1) year – three (5) comrades
b) Basic course in Intelligence for a period of one (1) year – one (1) comrade.
We thank you once again for the tremendous assistance which our Armed Forces have received from your Party and Government in the past. We recognise the tremendous internationalist obligations of your people, yet we sincerely hope that these courses will be made available to our comrades in 1982, given the pressing needs in our Ministry and the continuing threat being posted to the Grenada Revolution by United States Imperialism.
I close by once again extending our greatest warmth and embrace to you and your Party – Sons and Daughters of the heroic Lenin. I look forward to hearing from you soon.
General Hudson Austin
Member of the Political Bureau of NJ M
Secretary of Defence and Interior.
Letter from Bishop to Ustinov 2/17/82
MINISTRY OF DEFENCE
FORT RUPERT – ST. GEORGE’S
GRENADA – WEST INDIES
TELEPHONE: 2265 2578 17th February 1982
TO; MARSHAL DIMITROV USTINOV,
MINISTER OF DEFENCE
FROM: MINISTER OF DEFENCE, MAURICE BISHOP.
Revolutionary greetings to you, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and all Soviet people, from the Political Bureau of the New Jewel Movement, Government, Armed Forces and all he Grenadian people.
I am writing this letter to you in reference to training for personnel of the Grenadian Armed Forces in your country
Based on Article Three of the Signed Protocol between the Government of Grenada and the Government of the USSR of 27th October, 1980 in Havana, Cuba, I hereby make the following request –
1. Military preparation for twenty (20) Junior Officers in the following areas in courses lasting a period of one year;
a) General Troops – 6
b) Exploration – 5
c) Communication – 2
d) Engineering – 2
e) Logistics · 5
f) Anti-Aircraft Artillery – 2
g) Terrestrial – 2
2. Training for five(5) senior officers of the General Staff of the armed forces on a rotational basis in courses lasting three to six months.
The comrades who will be prepared in these courses are the leaders of our armed forces and as such cannot stay away for long periods at this time.
The areas of preparation for the comrades will be –
a) General Troops – 4
b) Political work in the Armed Forces -1
We are hope ful that these courses will commence in 1982 and as such we are commencing all the preliminary work for the departure of our comrades.
Comrade Marshal, I want to thank you once more for all the assistance our armed forces have received from your country and say that we are extremely thankful for that.
Finally, I want to say that our Party and Armed Forces look forward with the greatest expectations to our comrades receiving training with the glorious Red Army, in the land of the immortal Lenin and the Great October Revolution which opened a new world to mankind.
We thank you in advance for your kind co-operation and look forward to hearing from you soon.
COMMANDER IN CHIEF,
CHAIRMAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE
PRIME MINISTER AND MINISTER OF
DEFENCE AND INTERIOR.
Agreement Between NJM and Communist Party of the Soviet Union
In cooperation between the New JEWEL Movement
of Grenada and the Communist Party
of the Soviet Union
The Central Committee of the New JEWEL Movement of Grenada and the Central Committee Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
Guided by the desire to deepen relations between the two parties in a spirit of friendship solidarity, [illeg.]offng that common commitment to the ideals of peace, national liberation, democracy and [il1eg.]c socialism creates favourable opportunities for cooperation,
Proceeding from common goals in the struggle against imperialism, neocolonialism, racialism [illeg.] reaction in all their forms and manifestations,
Reasserting their constant striving to render internationalist support to all peoples fighting for freedom, independence and social progress,
and considering that inter—party cooperation is a most important basis for the development of [illeg.]y relations between the peoples of Grenada and the Soviet Union, have signed the present Agreement under which both parties declare their intention:
1. Steadfastly to extend and deepen their cooperation at all levels.
2. Continuously to exchange experience in party work and party guidance of the social, economic and cultural development of their countries, including regular exchange of information and materials on the aforesaid topics.
3. Regularly to exchange delegations of party workers, to conduct consultations and exchanges of opinion on international matters, problems of the world revolutionary process and present—day social development, and other matters of mutual interest.
4. To promote cooperation in the training of party and government cadres and in furthering political competence.
5. To develop contacts between the party press and other mass communication media, to inform the public of their countries about the activity of the two parties, and of their home and foreign policy, and resolutely to combat hostile imperialist and reactionary propaganda.
6. To promote all-round development of inter-state relations and ties between mass organisations of their countries.
7. Periodically to coordinate and implement concrete plans of inter—party ties, including initiatives that are not covered by the present Agreement.
FOR THE NEW JEWEL MOVEMENT OF GRENADA
FOR THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE SOVIET UNION
Moscow, 27 July 1982
Letter From Vince Noel to the Central Committee – 10/17/83
17. 10. 83.
Members of the Central Committee and Party,
There seem to be some confusion as to what transpired on the occasion when I met Maurice last week. I was told by Gemma on Saturday that on enquiring from Owusu she was told that I was being kept at home because no one knew what had been discussed between Maurice and myself on the occasions that we met.
I met and spoke to Maurice three times since he returned from Hungary Prior to that the only conversations I had with Maurice for months were at the meetings of the workers Committee and sub—committee.
The first time I spoke to Maurice was last Tuesday night at his house from about ten o’clock until sometime after twelve. He telephoned and asked me to come up in response to two unsuccessful calls I had made to him on Monday and Tuesday afternoons.
We spoke first of all about his trip to Eastern Europe and then my trip to Jamaica. We also spoke about the local and regional trade union situation and especially the upcoming C.C.L. Congress. Finally I introduced the discussion of the Party stating that I had picked up from various comrades that he had not accepted the decision of the Party on Joint Leadership.
Maurice denied that he had any problems with Joint Leadership and went into a long history of his acceptance of that principle dating back to the formation of the Movement. He stated that he himself had voted for Joint Leadership at the meeting of full members of the Party, but at that time and at the meeting of the Central Committee he had expressed certain reservations. These reservations were reinforced during his trip and by certain developments since his return.
His first concern was the question of the precise operationalising of Joint Leadership; the second was historical precedent. My response was that ‘operationalising’ was a detail to be worked out and that ours was a dynamic process which could not be dogmatically patterned after historical precedence. He retorted that it was a tiny detail like a fuse that could cause a car or aeroplane to stall or take off.
The third concern of Maurice was the attitude of comrades of the C.C. to him since his return. He complained that quite unnaturally only one comrade of the entire C.C., Selwyn, was present to meet him at the airport and that Selwyn’s greeting had been cold. Further, that no other comrade of the C.C., save H.A., had checked him. Contrary to long established practice neither Owusu nor Headache as chiefs of the Interior and Army respectively had come to give him any report.
I responded to Maurice by suggesting that there may have been a very simple explanation for the number of comrades who met him at the airport. Some comrades may not have been informed or were simply pressed with work. I pointed out that while I was a member of the P.B. I rarely went to the airport either to see him leave or arrive. On the question of comrades of the C.C. checking him I asked Maurice whether HE had tried to establish contact with them. He replied no. I told him that as chairman of the C.C. the ultimate responsibility for establishing contact with members of the C.C. must lay with him. He agreed and said that he was planning to raise that and all his other concerns at a meeting of the P.B. scheduled for the next day, Wednesday 12th.
I queried Maurice as to whether he would raise the fact that only Selwyn met him at the airport as one of his concerns. He said yes. I responded by saying that in my opinion the question of how many people met him at the airport was objectively a petty bourgeois concern and I could not see members of the P.B. treating it in any other way. The comrade replied that that would be correct if it was a single incident standing by itself but it had to be seen within the wider context of all the other things which were happening.
I answered the comrade by saying that if anything was happening other than what I had read in the minutes and been told by party members who were at the general meeting then I did not know. What I did know, I explained, was that several party comrades were accusing him of holding up the work of the party through his non acceptance of Joint Leadership. Some comrades had gone so far as to say that he could not go beyond social democracy. Maurice appeared visibly hurt by that last statement.
After a long pause the comrade responded saying that what was of stake was much more than whether he had petit bourgeois qualities or weaknesses. He said that he had picked up a line which spoke of an “Afghanistan Solution”. I was stunned by this. While Maurice was out of the country De Bourg had said to me one day that Chalkie had told him that there would be a solution like Afghanistan if the Chief fucked around on the question of Joint Leadership. At the time that De Bourg told me this I had dismissed Chalkie’s remarks as a lot of irresponsible nonsense but Maurice’s statement shook me.
I told Maurice that I had heard the Afghan talk before and where I had heard it. He said that in his case he had picked it up as coming from Ram Folkes through one of his personnel security comrade. He did not name the comrade. I said to Maurice that if things had descended to the level of P.S. [Personnel Security] men taking sides and talking of Afghanistan then we were a fraction away from bloodshed and disaster. I assured the comrade that the position that I had adopted on Joint Leadership was based purely on principle and my understanding of the issues involved, not personality. I then questioned him about his personal relationship to other comrades within the C.C. as I was of the opinion that he had good relations with all and in particular Selwyn, H.A., Owusu and
He claimed that until recently he had excellent relations with all comrades except Bernard with whom he had had strained relations for about one year. He gave an example of the good relations with Owusu, for instance, and spoke of a report that Owusu had written about the U.S. Trip which report embarrassed him (Maurice) because of the hero worship it contained.
As regards Bernard he said that relations had been strained for about one year since his resignation from the C.C. He recounted his years of association with Bernard from school days up to October last year. He said that when Bernard resigned last year he did his best to get Bernard to withdraw it recognising the many talents of the comrade and his value at the leadership level. But Bernard refused to withdraw the resignation and decided to go to Carriacou instead. During that period he became apprehensive that Bernard was contemplating suicide and for that reason called in Keith Roberts and asked him to follow Bernard to Carriacou and ensure his safety.
Maurice said that as far as he was concerned he could work along with Bernard even if Bernard was chosen outright as leader of the party. But he said that in recent times he had been become increasingly convinced, from all the bits and pieces of evidence available to him, that there were behind the scenes, unprincipled manoeuvres to remove him by a section of the C.C. I again told the comrade that the position I had taken was based on the minutes I had read, the account of the general meeting and my desire, like all other party comrades, to push the party forward. I urged Maurice to formally appeal the decision on Joint Leadership if he had a problem with it and to also raise all the other issues frankly and openly at the meeting of the P.B. the next morning as the situation was grave and could only get worse.
Maurice repeated that he had no problems with Joint Leadership subject to clarification on operationalisation. But, Maurice went on, the main concern at this time was the behind the scenes manoeuvres against him. I again urged Maurice to raise that openly at the P.B. the next day. He told me not to worry that he would deal with everything. The conversation more or less ended there and I left.
That night (Tuesday) I did not sleep. The more I thought about what Maurice had said the more worried l became. Next morning instead of going to the International Airport as usual I went to H.A’s house and told him of my grave concern about the situation in the party and in particular the fear of bloodshed. H.A said that the situation was worse than I thought and that I could not be more concerned than he was.
He said that, for instance, there was a meeting of some comrades in the army that very morning to discuss the situation in the party and he had no idea who precisely had called the meeting as he had not been officially informed. Further, he said that the tension among C.C. members was so high that they had stopped sleeping in their houses. I told H.A that that was madness and demanded that the P.B. sit down that morning and fully and completely thrash out all the problems and suspicions. He agreed. The conversation between H.A and I was a very short one. It lasted only for the time it took me to drive from his house to Fort Frederick in my car.
When I left H.A I went down to Selwyn to again raise my concern. Selwyn agreed with my analysis of the serious state of tension existing within the party but said Maurice was the one to blame because he had refused to accept in practice, Joint Leadership as agreed upon by the entire party. He said that he was hearing about the ‘Afghan solution’ for the first time, and, that contrary to that, it was Maurice who had been planning to kill members of the C.C. He said that within the past few days a lot of evidence had come to light. For instance, last year St. Paul had approached another security man to kill Bernard after he resigned from the C.C. I retold to Selwyn what Maurice had told me about taking measures to prevent Bernard from committing suicide after his resignation from the C.C. and I commented that it seemed to me that the C.C. was suffering from an overdose of paranoia.
Selwyn said that the only problem at the C.C. was that Maurice would not conform to Democratic Centralism and that he was being encouraged in this by Right Opportunists. He said that Maurice had now compounded the problem by taking the party’s business to the Cubans in an unfraternal and unprincipled way using his personal friendship with Fidel. Selwyn claimed that Maurice had spent two extra days in Cuba just for this, and, that as a show of support for Maurice, Fidel had given a reception for Maurice at which eight members of the Political Bureau had been present including Fidel and Raoul. Obviously I could not respond to Selwyn’s charges but I became fully and absolutely convinced that the party and Revolution were on the brink of disaster. Later that day Nazim, De Bourg and I were at Nutmeg Restaurant discussing the crisis within the party. Towards the end of the discussion Naz intimated that he, Mikey, and Chess and others had written a joint letter to Maurice asking for an audience to discuss the current crisis. Naz asked me whether I would join the group and if so to check Maurice to set up the time for the meeting since I was already in contact with him. I agreed but said I could not do anything until after 7.00 p.m. since I had a Branch meeting at Grenville from 4.30 p.m. until about 6.00 p.m.
That afternoon I had two shocking experiences. “Ma Lottie” Phillip and then Lyden confronted me with a rumour they had picked up that Bernard and Phyl were trying to depose and kill Maurice. I tried to squash the rumour by denying that anything like that was going on in our party. But I was horrified that our internal problems were among the masses in that way.
I returned to town from my branch meeting at Grenville at about 6.30 p.m. that evening and stopped off at Gemma on my way down. From there I made three unsuccessful calls to Nazim, Maurice and Selwyn. I left Gemma’s house and went directly to Maurice’s but I was told by “Bulo” that he was still at the meeting at the fort, meaning the P.B./C.C. meeting. From Maurice I went to visit my children at Maria. I was very tired having not slept properly for many nights. I dozed off and eventually stayed there for the night making no contact with anyone.
The next morning (Thursday 15th) I checked Chess on my way home. I told him about the rumours. We analysed that the rumour had not yet hit the working class and decided on a common approach to diffuse it if it did begin to circulate. We recognised the additional grave dangers created by the rumours and agreed that we would, together with Naz etc., check Maurice later that morning after a meeting which he (Chess) had at the power station. I agreed to contact Maurice on my way to the office. This I did.
I arrived at Maurice’s house shortly after 8.00 a.m. and remained for about 50 or 40 minutes. He asked me to wait in the conference room while he finished a ‘rap’ with George Louison in his bedroom. When Maurice came back to the conference room our encounter was very brief. I asked him whether he had received a letter from Naz etc. requesting an audience. He said yes and that he was willing to meet party comrades at any time subject to other pressing engagements. He asked when precisely we wanted the meeting. I replied about 4 or 5 o’clock but that I would get back to him about l o’clock.
Maurice looked terrible I asked him if he had slept the night before. He answered negatively. I advised him to stop smoking, relax, get some sleep and then I left. I made no mention of the rumour only because I did not want to burden the comrade with further worries just then.
A short while after I got down to the union office Chalkie came in and we greeted each other in the usual way. I asked him how were things going at the level of the C.C. as things were beginning to get rough on the ground. I mentioned the rumours. Chalkie said “What rumours that‘?” Is the chief that start that shit. So you don’t know what going on? Come ah go show you.”
We went into his office and began to talk. He told me that Maurice had started the rumour about himself, using Erry George, who had confessed, and St. Paul [illeg.] that Maurice was a psychopath and last year tried to kill Bernard after he resigned. That the night before (Wednesday 12/10/83) Maurice using George Louison had organised Bourgeois elements in St. Paul’s (Bulleu, Donald etc.) to take arms from the st. Paul’s Militia Camp to go Mt. Walldale to defend Maurice. That George had been removed from the P.B. and C.C.
I told Chalkie that he was mad that I could not believe what I was hearing about Maurice. Chalkie replied that it was Maurice who was power crazy After that conversation with Chalkie I must have looked visibly shaken as both Frog (union officer) and my secretary asked me if something was wrong. I asked my secretary to cancel all appointments for the day. I then tried to get both Chess and Naz neither of whom was in office.
As I left the union office I saw Carl Johnson and others in front of the Party Secretariat. I went there and asked C.J. for Chess. He said that Chess was still at the Power Station. There were all sorts of excited bilateral taking place among party comrades at the secretariat. I went there and went directly back to Maurice’s house. He was alone and I was told by the security to go into his bedroom.
I told Maurice about the rumour and related to him what Chalkie had said. He confirmed the unpleasant development but denied having anything to do with the origin of the rumour and organisation of armed vigilante. Maurice gave me a blood chilling account of what had happened at the C.C. meeting the day before. He said that members of the C.C., particularly Chalkie, kept pulling out their weapons threateningly during the whole meeting and that Fitzy had freaked out partly as a result of that. I told Maurice that what was going on was madness, that the membership had a right to know and that he should lay everything bare before the membership in the general meeting planned for that afternoon. He asked me what general meeting I was talking about. I explained that Chalkie [illeg.] told me that there was a meeting of all ranks of the party, from applicants up, to explain the present situation within the party.
Maurice explained that he had been at a meeting of the Central Committee until late the night before and that no such general meeting had been proposed or agreed. He offered it as another example of the plotting against him and said he would not go. I pleaded with Maurice to attend the meeting as any other action may be interpreted by the membership as an admission of guilt. Maurice complained of not feeling well and said he really did not know whether he could stand the emotional strain of a meeting such as the last general meeting.
Eventually I got Maurice to agree for me to get a doctor, namely Bernard Gittens, to attend to him. At the same time, while I went for the doctor he was supposed to start putting his notes together for the meeting that afternoon so that even if he was given sedation by the doctor he would still be prepared at the meeting. As I left to go for the doctor I was worried not only about the state of the party and Maurice’s physical health but the possibility of his committing suicide also crossed my mind.
As I was about to enter my car and leave I was approached by one of the Personnel Security men and told that I was under arrest. I was taken to under the mango tree in Bernard’s yard and interviewed by Chalkie and Ian St. Bernard. I was told by the two comrades that the Central Committee had decided that I should be arrested for conspiring with Maurice. They could not answer conspiring about what and refused to say if Maurice was still a member of the C.C. In brief I explained to the comrades that I had not been involved in anything resembling conspiracy and was only going to get a doctor for Maurice. I asked him (St. B.) to send to get Dr. Gittens for Maurice while he clarified matters. He told me not to worry that a strong “delegation” would go to visit Maurice in a short while. I was then taken to my house and ordered to stay there or be formally detained. All arms and ammunition which I have always carried were taken away.
About 5.45 p.m. that afternoon I received a note through Chess from Ian St. Bernard authorising me to attend the general meeting of the party. Given the extremely serious nature of what we were there to discuss, one would have thought that the discussions and decisions would have taken place in a calm and sober way. Instead led by members of the Political Bureau, the meeting was a horrendous display of militarism, hatred and emotional vilification. Never before have I witnessed this trend within our party and on no grounds can this conduct be justified.
This trend has continued in public and on the public media. A horrible lie is being spread that ‘Brat’ Bullen and the other persons who went to the St. Paul’s militia camp to collect arms did so to go and kill Bernard and Phyl. This is a lie known to the whole party. What was said by Chalkie to me on the morning of Thursday 15th and repeated at the general meeting by both HJL and Owusu was that they had gone to get arms to go and protect ‘their Chief because he was in danger. Let me make it very clear, however, that I disagree fundamentally with the action taken by that group and support the measures taken by the security forces.
In my over 10 years of association with our party never one day have I had reason to despair, not even when I was removed from the Political Bureau in 1981. For 2.0 years I have dreamt of building a socialist and communist society. We began our march forward with our Glorious Revolution but, today, by our own collective irresponsibility we have begun to cannabilise ourselves.
The crime that we are committing is not only against our Party, People and Revolution. Our crime is against the entire world revolutionary process and the Caribbean masses in particular.
You know no less than I that our Revolution is not irreversible. And while we brutally destroy ourselves, the corbeau of imperialism and reaction anxiously make preparation to pounce.
For the past four or five days I have stayed at home following the threats of Chalkie and Ian St. Bernard. Several comrades have checked me to find out what happened and my position on various things. I have made it clear that from the time I read the minutes and obtained some specific clarity on a few issues I accepted the decision on Joint Leadership. But even if I did not that is my right as a party member so long as I did not seek to subvert in anyway the Democratic Centralist decision of the party. Or have we now new norms?
For the past four or five days I have allowed myself to be confined as a counter—revolutionary criminal. Perhaps a conscious attempt is being made to push me into adventurous objectively counter-revolutionary activity so that I can be discredited afterwards. But that will never happen!
If I am to be sacrificed to suit the expediency of any person or persons then is my duty as a communist to prevent it if I can. When I chose the road to revolution above all else including family I knew that I could be martyred at any time. But frankly, comrades, at no time did I vaguely dream that that threat would come from within our own party. My only crime is that I spoke to Maurice Bishop, chairman of our Central Committee and Prime Minister, in a principled way about the same things that all other comrades in the party were discussing in a million bilaterals.
I request that my letter be discussed by the C.C. and be circulated to all members of the party in the same way that the Resolution from the Armed Forces was circulated last Thursday 15th October.
Long live inner party democracy!
Long live our Party!
Long live Socialism and Communism!
Those bits of information are appreciated. It would also be helpful if you gave the source -- some here may know, others may not have a clue -- for each of the posted material.
Wilder you seeing all ah this? WOW!
Bulletin from the [RMC] Main Political Department – 10/20/1983
BULLETIN FROM THE MAIN POLITICAL DEPARTMENT 20/10/83
THEIR HEROISM IS AN EXAMPLE FOR US
Comrade soldiers, yesterday 19th October, the masses of people led by Unison Whiteman broke into the home of Maurice Bishop in defiance to warning shots fired in the air by the soldiers of People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces. They then took Maurice Bishop into the streets of St. Georges They wanted to hear Murice Bishop speak. Maurice Bishop, Unison Whiteman, Vincent Noel, Fitzroy Bain, Jacquelin Creft and other people of the bourgeois and upper petty bourgeois strata, known counter-revolutionaries and Gairyites led the crowd onto Port Rupert, the Headquarters of the People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces where they forced through the main entrance, besting the Comrade Sister who was trying to prevent them from entering and over-running the Army Headquarters and disarming the Officers and Soldiers. Enstein Louison, former chief of the General Staff who had been suspended was called by Maurice and proclaimed Commander-in-Chief and Chief of Staff to the People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces. Enstein Louison then proceeded to issue arms and ammunition to the people. It must be noted that when Einstein Louison started distributing the weapons, Vincent Noel asked who were the trained militia in the crowd for them to step forward because there were some men that had ‘to be passed out’. Soldiers on Port Rupert took off their clothes and said that they could not take part in such an Army. Important to note that some of the comrade sister Soldiers were beaten and stripped by Maurice Bishop, Vincent Noel, Fitzroy Bain and their petty bourgeois and bourgeois supporters. One heroic sister, Pte. Racheal Abraham then went up to Maurice Bishop and in his face told him that he was responsible for all that had happened.
It is very important to note that when the masses of people called on Maurice Bishop to speak they were told by Vincent Noel that Maurice Bishop could not speak to them because he was in a very important meeting. Comrades, the masses had no intention to cause bloodshed but in their confusion they were led by Maurice Bishop and his petty bourgeois and bourgeois friends as cannon fodder to cause bloodshed. Comrades, it is very important to recognise the heroism of our People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces. When WO2. Rapheal Mason and Sargeant Byron Cameron were shot one sister Pte. Patricia Frank tore up her jersey to bandage the chest and leg of those wounded comrades. She then went clad in pants and bra to mobilise a fire truck to put out the flames at Port Rupert. She was prevented from doing this and she later went to get nurses to evacuate a sister who in her fright had jumped over the wall at Port Rupert and was seriously injured. She also went to the hospital to explain to the people there that counter—revo1utionaries had opened fire on our soldiers. This is an example of true love and heroism, the qualities that we must develop further.
Pte. Lynessa Frederick stood firmly with weapon in hand preventing the crowd of people from going up to the Armoury to get arms until she was overpowered by them and her weapon taken.
Corporal Nerril Richards greately assisted in boosting the morale of the comrades there and inspiring them with his staunchness to stand firm.
Comrade Lance Corporal Godfrey Thomas advancing with WO2 Rapheal Mason to give covering fire to OC Mayers in the counter attack was told by comrade Mason that he comrade Mason had been shot. On reaching comrade Mason, Lance Corporal Thomas was pushed by WO2 Mason who told him to continue the advance. Comrade Thomas refused to go on without assisting comrade Mason. While holding comrade Mason, comrade Thomas said he saw a man suddenly rise up from behind a wall with a weapon and he heard a bullet strike the BTR and penetrate comrade Thomas’s pants. Comrade Mason then said that he had again been shot and told comrade Thomas that he could not make it and that he should be taken to the hospital. On the way to the hospital, comrade Mason collapsed and told comrade Thomas to take care of his son because he was going to die. Comrade Mason was taken by some civilians to the hospital where he later died. Comrade Thomas then pushed back to meet the BTR and on his way up saw Lance Corporal Martin Simon with his chest streaming blood. Even in that condition comrade Sixnon warned comrade Thomas that the masses were shooting at them and that he should be careful. While at the same time assisted OC Mayers, who was also shot. Comrade Thomas left comrade Simon in the care of some civilians who took him to hospital. OC Conrad Mayers led the first squad into the attack shouting “For the Defence of the Homeland”. He was clearing his way to move further on up the Port when he was shot by a man shooting directly.
REVOLUTIONARY SOLDIERS AND MEN OF THE PEOPLE’S REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCES
Today our People’s Revolutionary Army has gained victory over the right opportunist and reactionary forces which attacked the Headquarters of our Ministry of Defence. These anti-worker elements using the working people as a shield entered Port Rupert.
Our patriotic men, loving the masses and rather than killing them since we understood that they were being used, we held our tire. However, the leadership of the counter revolutionary elements, led by Maurice Bishop, Unison Whiteman and Vincent Noel, knowing that we did not want to harm the people disarmed the Officers and Chiefs and soldiers and began arming people who represented their own minority class interest.
Comrades, these men who preached for us that they had the interest of the Grenadian people at heart did not have one member of the working class controlling their criminal operations. These elements although they used the working class and working people to gain their objective did not have any confidence in them and therefore had only businessmen, nuns, nurses and lumpen elements in the operations centre.
The presence of the people shows as clearly where they are coming from. Besides, Maurice Bishop certain that they had won, pointed out to the Officers that he did not want to have socialism built in this country.
These counter-revolutionaries who had given the assurance in the Party before to resolve the crisis peacefully — were on the one hand trying to give assurance to the unarmed soldiers that nothing would happen while on the other hand they were preparing to murder all Party comrades, Officers and Chiefs that they held. Again this truth was borne out when Maurice Bishop openly stated that he was going to build a new Party and a new Army — to defend the interest of the bourgeois.
However, because of the prompt action of the reserve force, guided by the Central Committee of the N.J.M. — these betrayers of the masses were crushed. The timely move of our Motorized Units dealt a devastating blow to these criminals, those opportunist elements who did not want to see socialism built in our country and who were not interested in seeing the masses benefit more and more.
Comrades, today Wednesday 19th October, history was made again. All patriots and revolutionaries will never forget this day when counter-revolution, the friends of imperialism were crushed. This victory today will ensure that our glorious Party the N.J.M. will live on and grow from strength to strength leading and guiding the Armed Forces and the Revolution.
This victory is ongoing progress and for socialism. But in giving this victory, one of our soldiers, Sgt. Byron Cameron was wounded, while O. Cdt Conrad Mayers, WO2 Raphael Mason, Sgt. Darrel Peters and L. Cpl. Martin Simon died a heroes death.
Let our comrades death be an inspiration to us, let it be a sign of the staunchness of our revolutionary Armed Forces and let us use it to strengthen our resolve to defend the Revolution and to build socialism.
Let this moment be proof to counter—revolution of our firmness, discipline and staunchness to the Party, the N.J.M., the working class, working people and to socialism. Let this be testimony of our unity behind our Party and Revolution.
We have won a victory comrades, but let us stand and be united to ensure that we achieve other victories.
LONG LIVE OUR PARTY, THE N .J .M.!!
LONG LIVE THE PEOPLE’S REVOLUTIONARY ARMED FORCES!
LONG LIVE THE GRENADA REVOLUTION !!
FORWARD EVER!! BACKWARD NEVER!!!
SOCIALISM OR DEATH!!!
These should be part of official Grenadian rather than personal soldier archives....